From Sex to Syahadat: The Market & Resurgence of Religion in Indonesian Cinema 1997-2011

By: Gde Dwitya Arief

Much has been written on the resurgence of religion in Southeast Asia, especially in the past thirty years after the Iranian Revolution in 1979. As Robert Hefner observed, there are several characteristic obvious at the social sphere. Most important among these is the fact that religion tend to be more popular, voluntary, and laity based. There is also a significant heightened participation of woman in the public-religious sphere. The last sign finally is that the revitalization also appears more preoccupied with inner-worldly well being (Hefner, 2011).

However, there are only few if not at all have been written on the resurgence of religion in the world of artistic expression. The question is that: is there any specific characteristic that we can recognized in the artistic expression regarding the current era of resurgence of religion? How much is religion affects artistic production?

This paper tries to look at Indonesian cinema post Reformasi (reform movement) to the present (1997-2011) and compare it with the general film production prior to Reformasi. The analysis will involved specific films with religious theme that has been produced in Indonesia.

This paper argues that the resurgence of thematically religious films in Indonesian cinema does not necessarily caused by the new political freedom achieved by Islam as the majority religion. Instead it is more of market-driven nature, and in fact the profit oriented cinematic production uses Islamic sentiment as a way to attract audience.

Notes on Methods and Methodology

The year 1997 was chosen as a hallmark for it was the year when political change happened in Indonesia. The New Order which was governing the nation for more than 30 years began collapsing following the Asian economic crises. Soon the so called reform movement swept the country the next year and open up many new possibilities and changes.

Following the line of reasoning by Arnold Hauser (1982) and Janet Wolf (1981), that social transformation will lead to a change in the artistic production, we might want to look closer at the kind of art produced after reform movement in Indonesia. Cinema is one form of art that is very likely underwent changes, since Indonesian cinema is always strongly related with Indonesian politics (Sen, 1999).

This paper relies on the data of Indonesia’s film production taken from JB Kristanto’s catalog of Indonesian film. Films from 1997 onward will be observed based on their themes. Those with religious theme then are analyzed using rhetoric analysis. Some concepts related to rhetoric will be employed here to help us in analyzing those the article.

Gill and Whedbee (1997: 162-169) in their explanation of rhetorical criticism introduce what they call as constructs. These construct are 1. exigence, that is the problem or issue to which the text is addressed; 2. audience, the actual people addressed by the rhetor; and 3. genre, the nature of the text itself.

Here, a film narrative will be treated as text and its director. The film short synopsis narrative is taken from the official website of filmindonesia.or.id. The result of data analyses then interpreted further to explain the resurgence of religion in the Indonesian cinematic production.

The Turning Point

The year 1996 and 1997 turns out to be the turning point in Indonesian cinema. 1996 was the year before the Asian crisis, and also the height of Soeharto regime as he just got elected to be president again. That year as similar to other years in the early quarter of the 1990’s was colored by massive production of cheap, sexually implicit films. The table below shows how in 1996 the film were all under sexual theme.

1996 was without doubt a year of pure sexually implicit films. The films are characterized by cheap production costs, the same casts, same directors and the same producers. Here the cinema is no more than industry that serves profit oriented purpose.

A year later, 1997, the political situation was getting heated as a lot of demonstration took place demanding the government to take measurement to save the economy from Asian crisis. There were also demand for democratization and political freedom, as the politically aware middle classes were fed up by the authoritarian regime.

Indonesian cinema seems also undergoing change as there were artistically excellent films produced that year. Among sexually implicit films there were films like Telegram, Sri, Kuldesak, Blanco, and Daun di Atas Bantal which has completely different theme. In fact, Telegram, Kuldesak and Daun di Atas Bantal are among Indonesian classics.

Telegram

This film was directed by Slamet Rahardjo, a respected artist and director while the script was written with the novelist Putu Wijaya. The cast include Sujiwo Tedjo, a master puppeteer, singer and writer and Ayu Azhari a senior actress. The films tells a story about a journalist torn between his Mom demand for him to get married and continuing his career. The film won Best Actress for 46th Asia Pacific Film Festival.

Kuldesak

This film was produced by Mira Lesmana a well known producer and an important figure in the revitalization of Indonesian cinema. She also directed the movie together with Riri Riza and Rizal Mantovani. Both then become important directors in Indonesian film scene. The film is about four different stories of teenage life. Interesting part about this film is its indie spirit. It was produced with low budget, the cast voluntarily did not get paid.

Daun di Atas Bantal

This film was produced by Christine Hakim, the legendary Indonesian actress who just played with Julia Roberts in Eat, Pray, Love and directed by Garin Nugroho, the leading Indonesian filmmaker with his various awards. The film is a documentary about street kids in Jogjakarta which won several prestigious awards abroad. They include Tokyo Film Festival 1998, Asia Pacific Film Festival, and Berlin Film Festival.

These three films with their thematic deviation from their contemporaries and their awards indicate a shift in Indonesia cinema. The deviation is very likely an effect of stagnazation over years of thematic banality. Along with the political activism, the artistic activism is seemingly taking place. New serious and art house films were produced to mark the break from the banal past.

However, there was not yet religion related theme in 1997. Religion related theme did not appear until several years later. One thing clear from 1997 onward is that the sudden absence of sexually implicit theme in Indonesian cinema. Here are the list of the films produced from 1999 to 2002.

A religion related theme eventually appeared in 2003, with a film titled Kiamat Sudah Dekat or the ‘End of the Day is Coming’. This is a movie about a spiritual search, and very much related with Islamic concept of the end of the day or kiamat. The film was not very successful.

Yet, there was booming of thematically religious films 5 years later in 2008. This trend keep going to 2009 and before stuck in 2010. Here are the list of film and the rhetorical analysis on its text:

The film Ayat Ayat Cinta (The Verses of Love) started the boom in 2008 with massive media publications. It got excessive coverage due to the spectacle it created. The president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono even invited his cabinet members to watch the film together. Some religious leaders dubbed the film as truly Islamic.

This movie was based from a very popular novel by Habiburahman El-Shiraizy with the same title. As successful as the novel, the film also got around 3,7 million audience. Following its success other films also get considerable amount of audience.

Data taken from filmindonesia.or.id

This data shows that the religious related movies got a lot of audience and score a record. In 2009 and 2010, the most audience achiever are both religious movie.

Explaining Resurgence of Religion in Cinema during Post Reformasi Era

Religion, especially Islam, was being oppressed in Indonesia. In contrast to today’s situation in which it is openly celebrated by the pious citizens, it was disciplined and subordinated for various reasons. The state has always taken measurement toward its citizen religion and religious life. There are criteria before a specific belief can be regarded as religion, there is discrimination against minorities, and being a non believer is not an option after 1965 communist eradication.

Islam as the majority religion has experienced oppression during Soeharto era. Tracing back to Indonesian history, we will get a good understanding of the antagonism between the state and political Islam.

Historically, radical Islam has always been a threat to the government of Indonesia. The most obvious incident was apparently the failed coup of three Islamic insurgencies of Darul Islam/Islamic Army (DI/TII) in the 1950s and 1960s, namely in West and Central Java (NII/Kartosuwiryo), in Aceh (Daud Beureuh) and in South Sulawesi (Kahar Muzakkar)^[1]. These three separatist movements tried to establish an Islamic state with a separate sovereignty outside the republic. They ended up crushed by the military and inaugurating an antagonism between radical political Islam and the nationalist secular state.

Going a little bit back in history, there might be a clue about the point from which the antagonism started. During the pre-independence era, Islam had been a potential alternative to nationalism in term of grounding the nation-building process. A fierce debate between proponent of Islam as the state’s legal-formal base which represented by Natsir and Agus Salim among others and the proponent of national and deconfessionalized state represented by Soekarno and Hatta took place during the formative years of Indonesian independence^[2]. This debate continued in the BPUPKI (Investigatory Committee for the Efforts for the Preparation of Indonesian Independence). As history noted, Soekarno’s side ultimately prevailed. Soekarno’s argument is summarized in the following passage:

“…thus reality shows that the principle of the unity of state and religion for a country which its inhabitant is not 100% Moslem could not be in line with [the principle of] democracy. In such a country, there are only two alternatives; there are only two choices: the unity of state religion, but without democracy, or democracy, but the state is separated from religion^[3].”

Soekarno then tried to make solid his idea of establishing the deconfessionalized state by proposing five principles later known as Pancasila^[4].

Even though the idea of having Islam as a legal-formal base for Indonesian state was subordinated, it did not mean that the threat posed by its proponents ceased to exist. The three insurgencies in the 50’s and 60’s were solid proofs. That was why the government that has always been in the grip of nationalists since the beginning kept an eye to political Islam both during Sukarno’s order and Suharto’s. The regimes always tried to pacify the political Islam which resulted in the failure of the latter’s effort to make Islam as the basis of Indonesian state despite the fact that the majority of its people are Moslems^[5].

Political Islam in Indonesia then, as a consequence, chose a cooperative and moderate way to respond to the government. The later generations of Moslem organizations have tended to accept the modern political system. Muhammadiyah and NU surely never tried to establish an Islamic state since they belong to the Moslem organizations that endorsed the idea of Islam as a substantive value to the state^[6]. It means that Islam does not necessarily need to be formally embodied in the state but the state will guarantee that Islamic values be implemented in societal life. Gus Dur even once asserted that Islam should be a complementary factor and not a competing and disintegrative factor in the societal discourse^[7]. NU also made a bold measure by accepting Pancasila as the state sole ideology which was something that was unacceptable to other Moslem organizations. Those Moslem organizations are forbidden to use even Islam as additional ideology since 1985 when Indonesian parliament passed a bill regulating the so called Asas Tunggal^[8].

This stance then makes the contemporary Moslem majority in Indonesia moderate in term of the relationship between the state and Islam. They can accept democracy as long as Islamic values are still implemented.

Interestingly, that did not put the state at ease. Islam was still considered dangerous since history has proven that the regimes, especially the New Order, could act harshly in exercising pre-emptive measures to radical Islam. Fear of the proliferation of Islamic fundamentalism after the Iran revolution has something to say to the New Order oppression to Islamic threat^[9].

It partly explained the passing of Asas Tunggal or sole ideology bill which demanded all social organizations in Indonesia adopt Pancasila as its ideology. At the same time it also be the reason why the state would not be hesitate to crush any indication of religious threat. The Tanjung Priok incident of 1984 in which the army literally forced down a civilian insurgency and took the life of its leader was a good example of the heavy handed New Order^[10].

This long history of state-religion antagonism is a good reason why religion and religious life has been restricted prior to Reformasi. Islam is a powerful ideology that might destabilized national security and question the legitimacy of the state during Soeharto era. But it is also a latent power that is ready to blast once the restriction is gone.

The asian economic crisis in 1997 followed by the fall of Soeharto from presidency turn the situation upside down. After Soeharto stepped down, followed by the Reformasi (reform) movement, the powerful ideology of Islam that has long been oppressed seems finding a moment of blast. Very soon people have more space to express themselves more religiously and openly. This is the era of religious freedom, at least for the majority.

Is It a Substantial Resurgence?

The year after 1997 are free from sexually implicit films but there is not any single film with religious theme yet. Not until a decade later in 2008 that the religious movie become a trend. Why the delay? This question is important because we are quick to assume that because of the political freedom, religion will be permeating the public sphere including the art world substantially. Analysis on the rhetoric of the religious films shows that the exidence being addressed are of trivial matters and the audience does not always specifically muslim. This is because of the market oriented nature of the Indonesian cinema. There is resurgence of religion in cinema but not because of the fall of new order and the eradication of religious oppression. But more because of the market friendly situation in which people consume more religious stuffs. So the producers come up with an idea that will appeal to this masses of religion consumers.

That explain why the first film that gain succes is Ayat Ayat Cinta. It is exactly because it is already succesful in a novel form that it is produced on screen. That also explain why in 2010 there was less film produced; because the producers find it hard to find a sure proposal to make profit. The motive of the film production is not gospel, but more to profit. Sang Pencerah the movie was made because it is surely will be watched by Muhammadiyah people which are millions.

The resurgence is hardly substantial, it is more of market driven one. Religion does not affect artistic expression that much. The market does. In fact the market affect religion, as now people consume more religious stuff.

The analysis tells that all films with religious theme have only superficial religious rhetorics.

Conclusion

If it was sex that sells during the authoritarian Soeharto era, now it is syahadat (Islamic confessions) that sells in post-reformasi Indonesia. The resurgence of religion takes form in the mushrooming of thematically religious films. But it is hardly a substanstial one as it is actually a market driven phenomenon. When it is sure to get a lot audience, then the producers make the film. Not because the producers want to disseminate religious values. [© Gde Dwitya, March 19th, 2011]

Footnote:

[1] Suryadinata, Leo. 1998. Two Political Cultures: Pancasila Vs Political Islam, in Interpreting Indonesian Politics, Singapore: Times Academic Press, p. 39.

[2] Effendi, Bahtiar. 2003. Explaining the Uneasy Relationship: Political Antagonism between Islam and the State in Indonesia, in Islam and the State in Indonesia, ISEAS: Singapore, p. 21-7.

[3] Soekarno ‘Saya Kurang Dinamis” in Di Bawah Bendera Revolusi, via Effendi, ibid. p. 23.

[4] Effendi, ibid. p. 29.

[5] A complete discussion on this see Effendi ibid, see also Ruth Mc Vey. “Faith as Outsider: Islam in Indonesian Politics”, in Islam in the Political Process, edited by James P. Piscatory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983) and on the Constituante topic see Ahmad Syafii Maarif, “Islam dan Konstitutionalisme: Pengalaman Indonesia”, Prisma, 1984, p. 67-77.

[6] Effendi, ibid. p. 7, the proponent of this idea including Fazlur Rahman and Qamarudin Khan.

[7] Wahid, Abdurrahman. 1984.“ Massa Islam dalam Kehidupan Bernegara dan Berbangsa”, Prisma, p. 3-9.

[8] Leo Suryadinata, ibid. page 40

[9] Jones, Sydney. 1982. “Lain di Sini Lain di Sana: Tinjauan Pasca Khomeini terhadap Islam Indonesia” , Prisma no. 9 tahun XI.

[10]See Vatikiotis, Michael R. J. 1993. Indonesian Politics under Suharto, Routledge: London and New York. p. 89, 128.

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